De Valera “spy” book

An edited version of this letter was published in the Irish edition of the British Sunday Times on 15 November 2009 in response to letters in the 8 November edition:

Dear Sir/Madam,
A mainstay of John Turi’s argument that Eamon de Valera was a British operative was William Wylie’s statement that de Valera had never been court-martialled. Wylie did indeed make this claim, or at least that he personally had not prosecuted any such trial. However, while Wylie was highly regarded in Ireland after the Rising due to his attempt to prosecute fairly at the courts-martial, his accounts of the trials have not always been consistent or, indeed, accordant with known fact. For example, his claim that Countess Markievicz behaved cravenly at her trial is not borne out by the official record, but originated as one of several wild rumours circulated about the Countess immediately after the Rising. His accounts of Markievicz demonstrates a clear animosity towards her, and his attitude towards de Valera is similarly emotional: “But for Dev there would have been no split at the time of the Treaty… none of the burning of houses and destruction of property and life that took place in 1922 and 1923…” (Leon O Broin, ‘W.E. Wylie and the Irish Revolution’, p. 33.)

As I understand, a central element in Mr Turi’s thesis was the fact that de Valera’s court-martial record was not available with those of the other 1916 participants in the British National Archives. When MI5 created a system of personal files in 1917 (the number of files is now in the millions) de Valera’s was one of the first to be created, two of the others being Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Illich Lenin. It is likely that de Valera’s court-martial record was moved to this or another secret file, a common practice when a person is under surveillance by an intelligence organisation. It may also have been appropriated as part of the British government’s attempts to clear up the matter of de Valera’s citizenship in 1916. (In 1919, the British government took the position that he was not a British citizen and that he was to be denied re-entry to Ireland.)*

Mr Turi’s reasoning is thus: de Valera’s trial record is missing or incomplete; Major Ivor Price** was persuasive; de Valera’s mental state was questioned by his opponents; QED, de Valera was a British spy. The notion that de Valera was mentally unstable, a conceit that has circulated amongst some writers and which Mr Turi adopts, was originally generated by Dublin Castle propaganda to try to discredit his leadership during the War of Independence. The notion that de Valera suffered from anything more than considerable eccentricity is unlikely, and has never been suggested by any credible qualified source. To suggest that de Valera was involved in Michael Collins’s killing a charge which none of his Irish detractors accepts, for the simple reason that it is unsustainable.
To make the suggestion that an anti-imperialist leader was under imperialist control needs something more than a stated dislike by the author, his dislike the leader’s policies, and that the leader was on the side of a civil war that the author disapproves of, [and] opens the author to the charge of sensationalism.
Claire Guerin,
Dublin 7, Ireland

*De Valera was at that time in the U.S. to promote international acceptance of the Irish Republic as declared in January 1919.
**British intelligence officer.

Time magazine obituary of Countess Markievicz, 1927

In previous posts I posted letters to the Irish Times and Irish Independent which challenged the allegations they contained about Countess Markievicz’s involvement in the shooting of a policeman on Easter Week in 1916. I just stumbled across Time Magazine’s obituary of the Countess in which they termed her a “murderess” and accused her of a completely different killing:

In 1916 one of the guards of the Royal College of Surgeons in Dublin resisted the entrance of a mob led by the Countess Markievicz. She opened her purse, drew out a pistol, shot the guard dead, and continued to lead a faction of the great Republican demonstration staged in Dublin throughout the notorious “Black Easter Week.”

The truth of the matter is that Markievicz intervened to save the doorkeeper’s life as the occupation was taking place:

Frank Robbins of the St Stephen’s Green contingent related that, as the College of Surgeons was being occupied, the doorkeeper let off a shotgun blast, nearly hitting Robbins.

Markievicz’s intervention saved the man, whom Robbins and the others considered shooting.

Remember, when you come to write history from the imperialist point of view, make sure your women are crazy and your facts are a mirror image of the truth – in other words, backwards.

Dinny Lacey, Tipperary officer

Dinny Lacey and his death.
http://homepage.eircom.net/~150/page45.html
http://homepage.eircom.net/~150/page46.html

http://republican-news.org/archive/1998/February19/19hist.html

http://1169andcounting.blogspot.com/2004_01_25_1169andcounting_archive.html (Given that the story was published in separate blog posts, the article is broken up, so you’ll have to scroll down the page to read it all.)

And scroll down nearly to the end of this page to read the rest:
http://1169andcounting.blogspot.com/2004_02_01_1169andcounting_archive.html

From here:

“Republican activity was high during the troubles at the start of the 20th century. This was due to the many hiding places in the Comeraghs and the willingness of the local population to aid the “Flying Columns”.

Rathgormack was attached to the 3rd Tipperary Brigade at the end of hostilities in 1921 and was known as F Company of the 8th Battalion Carrick-on Suir. There were 30 men in the company. Mothel/D company had 57 men, Clonea/E company had 72 men and Windgap or G company had 30 men. You can read more about those troubled times at Phoenix Publishing.
One of the darkest incidents in the bitter struggle to happen in the Rathgormack area was when the 3rd Tipp. brigade under Dinny Lacey executed District Inspector Gilbert Potter, of the RIC station in Cahir, in response to the execution of Thomas Traynor in April 1921. This event occurred around Coolnahorna and Moonminane. There is further information about the operations of the IRA in the Comeragh area in “The Comeraghs – Refuge of Rebels by Sean and Sile Murphy, though this is probably long out of print.
Upper part of the Nire Valley a favourite haunt of the rebels and venue for a famous meeting of the IRA executive in 1923 attended by De Valera, it signaled the beginning of the end of the Civil War.”

http://www.tipperarylibraries.ie/ths/thj1993.htm
References to two articles about Lacey’s death.

And finally (for now), a couple of songs which mention him by name.

I think it possible that my grandfather may have fought with Dinny Lacey, but I cannot be sure. I do know that, when I told my mother the following story about him, which Seán Fitzpatrick related in his Bureau of Military History statement, she had already heard it.

One night, Dinny Lacey and his men were lying in ambush. Their quarry did not appear, but during the night they were unnerved by an approaching sound. It was like someone walking towards them very deliberately. Lacey shouted at the intruder to identify himself. No answer, and the steps continued.
Lacey again shouted a warning, but no response. Finally, he fired a shot in the direction of the noise. It ceased immediately. On investigation, it was found that Lacey had shot a poor inoffensive donkey.
Seán Fitzpatrick rebuked Lacey for his actions.
“Well, he should have put up his hands!” was the response.

Memorial to Dinny Lacey.

First Dáil commemoration: some sources and media

See the official Dáil record of the proceedings of the first sitting of Dáil Éireann, 21 January 1919.

RTÉ Archives displays some interviews with the first TDs and footage of previous commemorations. See also President de Valera’s address to the Dáil on its 50th anniversary (scroll down the page).

The online version of the Irish Times supplement on the First Dáil.

Warping the minds of the young

I was at a bookshop in town yesterday, spending more than I should have. There were a few boxes of books in the shop which came from the estate of the late Terry de Valera (son of the former president). It was a very esoteric and interesting collection. From here I picked up “Irish at Home” by Máire Ní Cheallacháin, a 1922 reprint of a book originally written at the height of the War of Independence in 1921. Among the book’s grammar, sample phrases, and so on (which I actually find very useful), we have a sample conversation in Irish, the English version of which is as follows:

IN DUBLIN:
[TWO SISTERS TALKING]

BRIGID: Is it in the city you were?

MARY: Yes.

B: Anything strange going on?

M: I did not see anything but I believe there was a “raid” being made by the military in O’Connell Street about twelve o’clock.

B: I wonder [I do not know] if they found anything?

M: I hear that some man was arrested and that he was brought as a prisoner to the Castle but I did not hear who he was.

B: Do you know that an ambush took place in Camden Street last night?

M: No! What time?

B: Just after we clearing off [out of it] according to what I hear.

M: We were in luck so. And was anyone killed?

B: One man was killed on the street and others who were passing by got wounded. It is said that one bomb was sent into the very centre of the lorry and it is not known how many of them were killed or wounded. Two or three of them began to fire shots all around them, in any case and off with them then like a whirlwind.

M: Was there any hostage in the lorry with them?

B: I do not know that [That is a thing I do not know].

M: And was it black and tans or soldiers who were there?

B: Black and tans, I believe.

M: Listen! that is a stop-press being called out. I wonder what has happened now?

B: Well, the Lord knows! Go out and get one.

[She goes out and gets one.]

M: Another spy shot in Cork.

B: I read in today’s paper that there is a detective missing in Galway and it is thought that it is what he has been carried off to an unknown destination.

M: Did you notice in this evening’s paper that there is to be a change in the Curfew again? We’ll have until ten [o'clock] now.

B: That is good as it was mischief when we had to be in at eight. It was upsetting everyone. The dinner is ready now and you had better have it [eat it] before you commence any thing else.

M: Very well. I won’t find any fault with that as I have my appetite I promise you.

[They go into the kitchen.]

Well, at least those raids and ambushes didn’t spoil their appetites. As someone said to me, if this was on the syllabus instead of Peig, everyone would be rushing to learn Irish.

Some sean-nós favourites

An explanation of the term “sean-nós”.

Finola Ó Siochrú: Searc mo Chléibh. Listen to 2 minute excerpts of the songs from her album, including the popular Máirín de Barra and her masterful performance of the beautiful Tipperary song An Clár Bog Déil. The album notes and lyric sheet (both from her website) are worth reading.

Róisín Dubh by Caitlín Maude (Youtube file). The great aspirational song of independence sung by a wonderful poet and singer.

The comic song Sadhbh Ní Bhruinneala is sung here by Dublin singer Róisín Chambers.

Slán le Máigh sung by Máire Uí Dhonnchadha. Not the best interpretation, I think, of Aindreas MacCraith’s song of exile from his native part of Limerick.

Seán Ó Sé sings Iníon an Phailitínigh atop a tourist bus in Cork. He also sings a verse of The Bells of Shandon, which takes its tune from Slán Le Máigh. I’m not really sure that Iníon is a sean-nós song, but I liked it.

Iarla Ó Lionáird sings Táimse im’ Chodladh. Lyrics in Irish are here – note that these lyrics are obviously nationalist, whereas some versions are more general in tone.

Bruach na Carraige Báine on the flute. Lyrics.

Sliabh na mBan on the uileann pipes. A beautiful tune. The song is about the failure of the 1798 rebellion in Tipperary. Lyrics.

Úna Dheas Ní Nia sung by Naisrín Elsafty.

If anyone comes across videos or other streaming files of Nioclás Tóibín, I’d love to be able to include them here.

There are a ton more – I might do a second post or update this. Any suggestions are welcome.

Part 2 of this post.

The mystery of “The Galtee Mountain Boy”

The Galtee Mountain Boy, by Patsy O’Halloran (fourth verse by Christy Moore)

I joined the Flying Column in 1916
In Cork with Seán Moylan, Tipperary with Dan Breen
Arrested by Free Staters and sentenced for to die
Farewell to Tipperary said the Galtee Mountain Boy

We crossed the pleasant valleys and over the hilltops green
Where we met with Dinny Lacey, Seán Hogan and Dan Breen
Seán Moylan and his gallant band they kept the flag flying high
Farewell to Tipperary said the Galtee Mountain Boy

We crossed the Dublin mountains, we were rebels on the run
Though hunted night and morning, we were outlawed but free men
We tracked the Wicklow mountains as the sun was shining high
Farewell to Tipperary said the Galtee Mountain Boy

I’m bidding farewell to old Clonmel that I never more will see
And to the Galtee mountains that oft times sheltered me
To the men who fought for liberty and died without a sigh
May the cause be ne’er forgotten said the Galtee Mountain Boy

This song is written from the point of view of a Tipperary Volunteer during the War of Independence and Civil War. In the latter conflict he is an anti-treaty soldier. He laments his fate as a captive of the Free State army and awaits his summary execution.

When I visited this site* last year, I learned that some people found the lyrics of the third verse unusual: surely a band from Tipperary would cross the Wicklow mountains before the Dublin mountains, presuming that they were on the way from Tipperary to Dublin?

However, assuming the song is intended to make logical sense, there were only a few specific occasions on which a band of Tipperary soldiers went from Tipperary to Dublin during the period referred to.

One such occasion occurred in the Spring of 1922, when group went to assist in the takeover of the Four Courts (see Ernie O’Malley, The Singing Flame).

Two months later, at the beginning of the Civil War, Harry Boland called for reinforcements from Tipperary for the Dublin anti-treaty garrison. Commandant Michael Sheehan led a flying column to Dublin, but they arrived after the fall of the Four Courts and too late to be of any help. However, they did head, first to the Dublin and then to the Wicklow hills, where the remnants of Dublin anti-treatyites were continuing the fight. Harry Boland took part in these battles, while Éamon de Valera travelled directly to Field General Headquarters in Clonmel.

The Tipperary column, bolstered by some Four Courts refugees, then went to Enniscorthy where they took part in the fighting, and from there headed back to FGHQ, Clonmel via Carlow and Kilkenny. Thus, the (presumably fictional) Galtee Mountain Boy would have crossed the Dublin and Wicklow mountains on his way back to Tipperary.

The author may have been very knowledgeable about the 4th (Tipperary town) Battalion. The Tipperary battalion had the most activity and the most casualties, and contained the soul of the Brigade – Seán Treacy, Seán Hogan, Seán Fitzpatrick, Dan Breen and Dinny Lacey

The references to Seán Moylan possibly refer to the occasional co-operation between the Cork No. 2 Brigade (of which Moylan was commandant), the East Limerick Brigade and the 3rd Tipperary Brigade, such as the Glencurrane ambush of December 19 1920, in which companies from all three brigades took part

*I contacted the owner of the Triskelle site, who incorporated my ideas on the lyrics page.

Letter about Countess Markievicz: Part 2

Part 1 here.

Irish Independent

Saturday June 10 2006

Kevin Myers repeats his allegation that Countess Markievicz “fired her Mauser into” the unarmed Constable Lahiffe (Irish Independent, May 31), again using Caulfield’s unsourced and dubious account. I cannot find a reference to the incident in the paperback edition of Charles Townshend’s ‘The Easter Rising’, so I cannot understand Myers’s deference to that authority, but I believe a satisfactory account of events can be pieced together using a variety of other sources. It appears that Markievicz was originally appointed as liaison officer between the GPO and St Stephen’s Green. It is logical, therefore, that she would not have arrived with Michael Mallin’s Stephen’s Green contingent.

Markievicz related that at 12 noon, the time that Constable Lahiff was shot, she was delivering supplies to City Hall by car with Dr Kathleen Lynn.

Dr Lynn’s statement to the Bureau of Military History confirms the detail and times given in Markievicz’s account.

Maire Nic Shuibhlaigh related in her biography that, as the Jacob’s factory contingent prepared to occupy the building, she saw the car go past, Markievicz shouting encouragement at them. When Markievicz arrived at St Stephen’s Green, the occupation was well under way.

As I have already related (Letters, May 12), Diana Norman discredited the story of the St Stephen’s Green killing, revealing that it was based entirely on innuendo and that no witnesses backed it up – aside from Caulfied’s anonymous source.

Another Markievicz biographer, Anne Haverty, also casts doubt on the story.

In fact she offers clear evidence of the Countess having in fact intervened to save the life of a British soldier who had mistakenly entered the College of Surgeons thinking it had already surrendered.

In a separate instance, Frank Robbins of the St Stephen’s Green contingent related that, as the College of Surgeons was being occupied, the doorkeeper let off a shotgun blast, nearly hitting Robbins.

Markievicz’s intervention saved the man, whom Robbins and the others considered shooting.

Brian Barton has shown that false rumours of Markievicz’s supposedly craven conduct at her court-martial were circulated alongside the rumour that she had shot PC Lahiffe.

Miss Mahaffy, daughter of Trinity College’s Provost, who recorded them, unconsiously revealed their object: Markievicz was, she observed “the one woman amongst them of high birth and therefore the most depraved . . . She took to politics and left our class . . . “

This campaign of vilification is, Diana Norman believes, “an extreme example of a process by which women are denigrated until they disappear from history”.

It is only necessary to bring to mind the example of Muriel MacSwiney, who has up to lately been maligned on the basis of false rumours and innuendo, to give credit to this assertion.

CLAIRE MCGRATH GUERIN, CO TIPPERARY

Declan O’Rourke’s Famine music

One of my sister’s favourite artists is Declan O’Rourke, and while I listen to his albums frequently, I’m most interested in a forthcoming album about the Famine. (No word yet on when it’s due out.) I’d like to link to Johnny Hold the Lantern if it were to be found on the internet, but in the meantime, here’s Poor Boy’s Shoes.

Letter in Irish Independent concerning Countess Markievicz

12 May 2006

The Countess at the Green

Kevin Myers states (Irish Independent, May 5) that Countess Markievicz shot an unarmed policeman, Constable Lahiff, during the 1916 Rising. I replied to his previous iteration of this theory in the Irish Times when I stated:

” . . . This story first appeared in print in Max Caulfield’s ‘The Easter Rebellion’ (1965). Caulfield’s account does not state the evidence on which it is based.

If, however, Lahiff was shot ‘within five minutes’ of the occupation of St Stephen’s Green, as both Caulfield and The Sinn Féin Handbook both state, it was not Countess Markievicz who shot him. Several witnesses saw her, accompanied by Kathleen Lynn, delivering supplies to City Hall at the very time that Constable Lahiff was shot.

Diana Norman, who collected the evidence in her book ‘Terrible Beauty – a Life of Constance Markievicz’ (Poolbeg, 1988 ) states (p.140) ‘What is significant is how willingly the story that she shot an unarmed man has been received and the tenacity with which it has been remembered since. It may be that some flawed, unconsious logic has been going on in the male Irish mind.

‘Two rules of gentlemanly warfare were broken at Stephen’s Green on Easter Monday: a helpless man died and a woman displayed a joy in battle, therefore the woman broke both rules, QED Constance shot PC Lahiff.’

The former keeper of State papers, Breandan MacGiolla Choille, informed Ms Norman that he had come across no evidence in his research among the State papers to indicate the truth of the rumour.

If Mr Myers has some compelling evidence to indicate the contrary, I will be pleased to follow it up. If not, as this is a matter of justice, I hope he will acknowledge his allegation is baseless.

Mr Myers did not, to the best of my belief, acknowledge this challenge, neither did he repeat the allegation during the remainder of his tenure at the Irish Times.* I again challenge him either to substantiate or to withdraw his allegation. Otherwise, there might seem to be a certain irony in his position that the nationalist view of 1916 is “blinkered”.

CLAIRE MCGRATH GUERIN,
CO TIPPERARY

*This is incorrect: Myers repeated the allegation. The journalists Ruth Dudley Edwards and Stephen Collins have also chosen to repeat the allegation as proven fact in spite of its highly dubious nature.

Follow-up to this post.